Chieftains of old Davao

Before the Spanish formally launched its conquest of Davao in 1848, the region was governed by tribal leaders called Datus. These Datus were the equivalent of village headmen. They were renowned to be the wisest and the bravest among the people. Aside from leading the defense of his people against foes and raiders, the Datu also dispenses the tribe’s customary laws. Also unlike Muslim tribes in Lanao, Maguindanao and Sulu where a Datu is subject to the rule of the Sultan, Bagobo and Lumad tribal leaders overtly proclaim their independence over any one-man rule. Even if they paid homage to the Sultanate of Mindanao, they fiercely valued their territorial and personal independence. After all, they are many and possess a land and culture of their own.

Chieftains generally wear a blood-red colored head kerchief that proclaim his valor in the battlefield.

 The advent of American military occupation of Davao in the early 1900’s also paved the way for anthropological research and rediscovery of flourishing Mindanao cultures by the West. Such was the case of Datu Tongkaling who was the ruler of Sibulan, Davao during the American period. Sibulan is supposedly the center of the Tagabawa community in Davao del Sur, as it was also recognized by many Bagobos in the neighboring territories. Accordingly, Tongkaling traced his ancestry through ten (10) generations of Datu Chieftains. Above is an image of Datu Tongkaling, photo courtesy of Faye-Cooper Cole who was in Davao during the 40’s

Role of the Datu

“Dangan…” says Bastida (+), a Bagobo from Baguio District Davao, “kung doon mgo samuk……diyon po ma sokkad nga lugaa…, pononggolingan noko patoy…, iddos Datu kodpo paistoryay no koilangan obayaran od tamukan. Panavukan kos ngaran, amoy iddos so nakapatoy konnad od imotayan.”

During the olden days, whenever there was dispute or disorder in a Bagobo community, a Datu would be called to act as arbiter between the parties. In a crime of murder for example, where there is an explicit breakdown of harmonious relations, Bastida says that a panavuk (wergild) would be demanded by the Datu from the offending party as restitution for the damages he had previously caused the aggrieved parties. The concept of wergild for damages is based on the customs of the Bagobo people as necessitated in preserving the peace of the community. Now both parties, having agreed to terms of the Datu, would settle their differences by the number and perhaps the value of the articles (wergild) that would be submitted by the offending party to the tribunal. Articles such as a palihuma (sword), kuda (horse), kabow (water buffalo), ahung (large gongs), kaasag (shield), spear (budyak), goats, chickens and other things of value are eventually offered to the person of the disgraced party. Upon appraisal of the offering and approval, these same articles are accepted by the angered parties within the purview of the Datu and the buyyag (elders and functionaries).

This is where the honor and the dignities of the parties are eventually restored.

The Bagobo Datu found his relevance as leader, arbiter and lawgiver before the arrival of the Spanish in the Philippine islands in the 1500’s. He is famed to be the most knowledgeable of the customs of his people and on many reported historical instances, reputed to be the fiercest and the strongest. Whenever there are infractions of the custom law, he answers back by personifying his role as the lawgiver and arbiter of justice in the community. By substance, Bagobo tribal sense of justice is based on batassan (customary law). This summarizes the general respect for ancient customs, traditions and respect of elders of the community, for whom much of the culture, beliefs and idealogy is derived. These customary laws are interpreted assertively by the Chieftains (Datus), who best represent the common interest. Further, in the work of Philippine Anthropologist E. Arsenio Manuel (who stayed briefly in Davao during his field work in the 60’s), “Manuvu Social Organization, first published 1973”, he states that, “Native Datus are non-literate but vocal and assertive in their own language. They are intelligent and thinking men. They are aware of their responsibility…”.

Today, a Datu still bears the same responsibility. An existing Datu anywhere in this country still bears the hallmark of his people. He is her pride. Her banner. Her leader, dispenser of justice and arbitrator. Even the as the planet is rapidly plunging into the throes of the technological 21^st Century, the Datu faces critical challenges of his time. Mining, logging, destruction of his culture, bastardization of his spirituality and encroachments of his lands. In the world of corporations, hardly a day passes where he and his kind are pushed to the limits.

It is an enigma to think how a leader, such as a Datu, would face all these social pressures affecting his community.

Would he eventually capitulate to modernization?

Does he have enough moral means to sustain the fight against corporate greed and apathy?

Could he handle a bigger world and even bigger world problems such as pollution, natural calamity and disease waiting to rain down on him and his people?

Only time will tell.

But for the time being, let us allow ourselves the comfort of knowing that his time has not yet passed.

He is still there. In the forests, in the mountains, in the cities, fighting for his self-respect.

History cannot be rushed and a Datu is still the best leader of his people.

And he will be remembered.

Kulintang

Inset is Ambit Onse (+), Bagobo giangan, who plays the kulintang

The kulintang is a form of musical instrument that is used by the Bagobos, Mandayas, Tagakaolos and Matigsalugs of Davao. Being made up of casted bronze or brass traded to Davao tribal peoples by bartering Muslim tribes from Singapore or Malaysia, it is shaped like a small-rounded sphere with knobs. Whenever an occasion demands that music be heard for such as those of a wedding, harvests or simply in honor of a Datu, a kulintang will be displayed for all to hear and see.

The Bagobo kulintang, differing from its Tausug, Maranaw or Maguindanao counterparts is normally hanged upright . They are neatly and orderly stacked. Using small padded sticks called “tap-tap”, a player will usually play the tune while another player, thumps on the bass gong as accompaniment. The melody usually starts with a solemn, slow and rythmic pounding of the gong and thereby progresses into a much faster, pulsating and cheerful tone. It is at this point that the people begin to be excited and are being invited to dance.

Dances among Davao’s tribes such as the Bagobos involve the rythmic shuffling of the feet, with the woman anticipating the dance movements of man. Both men and women adorned with the traditional Bagobo abaca-textured attire, regaled with colors, beads and brass bells, will be seen swaying beautifully in a ritualistic manner.

There are certainly types of kulintang melodies by which Bagobos express their feelings. For a festive mood, they have the “inday-inday, sowroy or the tagunggo“. At the time of death, the Bagobos also play a certain melody to announce a sad tiding. The playing of the kulintang is unlike the western musical contrivances that involves formal note compositions. The Malayan gong usually employs a “pentatonic-type” of musicality. This is defined in the dictionary as a musical scale with 5 noted per octave in contrast to a heptatonic type or 7-note scale. Because the music is orally transmitted, it has room for further musical elucidation, depending upon the feelings of the player.

The kulintang ever becomes a regal instrument if only it renders a beautiful melody as great as the skill and as lofty as the feelings of the player.

For the Bagobos, the sound of the kulintang does not only rekindle ancient memories and blood ties, but also reminds them of their dignified place in Davao’s history.